HPRgument Blog — February 24, 2010 2:48 am

A (Somewhat) Modest Proposal, Literally

By Jeremy Patashnik

Harvard Weatherhead fellow Martin Kramer’s recent remarks on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have created some controversy in the blogosphere. Media Matters’ M.J. Rosenberg insinuated in blog posts on The Huffington Post and Talking Points Memo that Kramer was “advocating Palestinian genocide” when he suggested that “the West [should stop] providing pro-natal subsidies for Palestinians with refugee status.” Rosenberg concluded, “This is right out of Jonathan Swift.”

Kramer’s remarks were not softly worded, and there are plenty of good reasons to reject his conclusions, but to call his proposal genocidal is, quite simply, absurd. This is not merely a semantic question of hyperbole gone awry. When Rosenberg, and others, label legitimate ideas as morally repugnant without rationally refuting them, it creates an environment of hyper-political correctness where people become afraid to share new–sometimes controversial– ideas for fear of being branded “radicals.”

But first, let’s look at what Kramer actually proposed.  He said that Palestinians’ low median age is a major factor perpetuating the violence in Israel and that a decrease in the Palestinian birthrate may ease tensions in the region. (For a more thorough explanation of Kramer’s logic, readers can view his speech in its entirety). He, thus, suggested that western nations should consider halting pro-natal subsidies–promises of indefinite financial aid to future generations of Palestinian refugees–in an attempt to slow the population growth. In essence, Kramer said that western nations should consider reducing (or eliminating) aid to future generations of Palestinians.

One can reasonably (and passionately!) disagree with Kramer’s proposal. Indeed, there is a legitimate question whether or not Palestinian population growth is even contributing to the conflict. Even if we suppose that it is, it’s certainly not clear that reducing humanitarian aid would slow the birthrate. An end to pro-natal subsidies would provide economic incentives to have fewer children, but Palestinians also have a strong cultural tradition of large families that this policy may not be able to deter. Most importantly, there are obvious humanitarian concerns to Kramer’s conclusions that would have to be weighed heavily before his proposal could be given serious consideration.

All these are legitimate criticisms of Kramer, but to suggest that reducing financial aid can constitute an act of genocide is nonsense. Also, as Kramer noted in his response to his critics, the idea was popularized by German economist Gunnar Heinsohn, who actually heads an institute on comparative genocide research.

Still, Rosenberg cites the Convention on the Punishment and Prevention of Genocide, Article 2, Section D, which states: Genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group.

There are two major problems with Rosenberg’s claim that, under this clause, Kramer’s suggestion constitutes genocide. First, under Kramer’s proposal, no measures would be “imposed” on Palestinians; aid would simply be withheld.  Again, one can disagree with such a decision for plenty of good reasons, but no policy being discussed would affect any person’s right to reproduce. Second, if we accept Rosenberg’s definition of genocide, then any policy that seeks to lower the birthrate of any demographic of any nation, for whatever reason, should also be considered genocide. This would include calls for African women to have fewer babies (and–much more trivially–sex-education programs in the United States). Indeed, economists often encourage developing nations to lower their birthrates in order to promote economic growth, yet they are hardly labeled purveyors of genocide.

It’s good that Kramer’s remarks have caused controversy. If people disagree with him, they ought to make their opinions known, and Kramer should, in turn, defend the ideas he put forth. Much of what Kramer said deserves to be rejected, but there are also parts that can contribute to the ongoing dialogue on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Perhaps ending pro-natal subsidies is morally unpalatable, but that doesn’t mean a discussion of how Palestinian population growth affects the conflict shouldn’t enter into the picture. Rosenberg does this important topic a disservice by irrationally branding ideas he doesn’t like “genocide.” Political correctness serves its role in society, but when it’s taken too far, it inhibits creative thinking.

Photo Credit: MartinKramer.org

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  • Jeremiah Haber

    Kramer’s call does not amount to genocide, but it does amount to a certain, how shall I say, biased partisanship that borders on the racist.

    How so?

    Well, for one thing, the Gazans’ birthrate is matched, if not exceeded, by the birthrate of Jewish groups in Israel, notably the settlers and the ultra-orthodox. Since the latter do not serve in the army, they have been less a problem with violence against Palestinians than settlers, whose acts of violence against Palestinians and Jews is well-documented. So one would expect that an even handed commentators, or even a partisan with stronger sensitivities, would not focus on trying to limit the births of one side.

    Of course, the problem of violence in Gaza, where people are crowded, under siege, and living in hovels, is greater than that of the settlers, who have lots of room, their own roads, and often villas and swimming pools. But the answer is not eugenics or stopping aid, but a) ending the siege of Gaza, b) dividing the land of Israel/Palestine in a sensible and equitable fashion, including a significant expansion of Gaza, c) education and making incentives for reducing population growth in an equitable manner to both sides, out of concern for the well-being of all inhabitants, and the preservation of natural resources.

  • George Kennehy

    The writer is wrong to say that no measures would be “imposed” on Palestinians. In fact Kramer lauded the Israeli siege on Gaza, which is nothing if not an “imposition” precisely because he believes it has an effect of reducing the birth rate. Confining people of a specific ethnic group to a region and then deliberately depriving them of the means of sustenance or self-sufficiency (Gaza’s agriculture has been decimated by Israeli attacks as Harbard’s own Sara Roy has well documented), is well within the definition of genocidal, and I venture to add that no one would doubt or dispute it, let along defend it if Jews were the victims.

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  • Jeremy Patashnik

    George, perhaps I was wrong to bring the semantics of what the word “impose” means into this discussion. Indeed, the Palestinians have endured a lot, and in no way did I mean to belittle that.

    My main claim of that paragraph, though, was the second point: that simply advocating a reduction in the rate of population growth is in no ways genocide.

    Again, I’m not defending Kramer’s specific proposal; but merely to suggest economic incentives to slow the birth rate of any population (Israelis certainly included!) is not to support genocide

  • George Kennehy

    Jeremy, I agree there have to be specific factors that make it a call for genocide. Kramer did not call for generally available family planning measures to assist families that want for their own good to reduce family size. He proposed (or endorsed) measures to reduce food and schooling to a refugee population that has no way to flee and no means of sustenance with the specific goal of preventing births and thus reducing the population. He also did not propose this for, say Orthodox Jews in Israel (who in large proportions choose to live on state welfare when they in fact have the opportunity to work unlike Palestinians in Gaza). He proposed it only for members of one ethno-religious group. I think if you look at the Article II d & c and III c of the Genocide Convention, and you do so carefully, you will find that Kramer’s proposal fits the bill quite well. Note also that Kramer expressed satisfaction because he thought the Israeli siege on Gaza — condemned by the UN as collective punishment — was having the desired effect of reducing births. As a long time friend of Israel, it makes me sad when people who support Israel stop thinking for themselves and resort to knee-jerk defense of any “pro-Israel” position. Kramer is not a “friend of Israel.” He’s an extremist with a long history of expressing hate toward Arabs and Muslims. This gets us nowhere.

  • George Kennehy

    Here for convenience is a link to said Genocide Convention (1948) http://www.preventgenocide.org/law/convention/text.htm

  • Jeremy Patashnik

    George, you write: “As a long time friend of Israel, it makes me sad when people who support Israel stop thinking for themselves and resort to knee-jerk defense of any ‘pro-Israel’ position.”

    In my post, I didn’t write a single word defending the policy that Kramer proposed. In fact, I cite several reasons why one should disagree with what he suggested! The strongest support I offer for his statement is the second clause in this sentence, “Much of what Kramer said deserves to be rejected, but there are also parts that can contribute to the ongoing dialogue on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.” I don’t think it’s unreasonable to suggest that the study of how population growth affects the conflict can help us understand the situation.

    I’m also surprised that you can surmise I “support Israel” from this post, as I never say so directly or indirectly. In fact, I take many issues with the policies that the Israeli government has pursued in Gaza, and unlike Kramer, I don’t support the siege.

    But the post wasn’t about Israel’s policies: it was about people overreacting to legitimate–albeit controversial–claims.

    Again, I think you take an overly broad interpretation of the Genocide Convention. Would China’s policies to limit the number of births in it’s country also be termed genocide? This, after all, is a measure imposed on a “national group” with the intent to “prevent births.”

    You raise good reasons why Kramer’s specific proposal could be harmful. I, too, mentioned humanitarian concerns in my post. But the fact that a proposal is objectionable does not make it genocidal. I think–if population growth is indeed an issue that needs to be addressed–there would be other, more egalitarian incentives provided to Palestinians (and perhaps Israeli settlers as well) to reduce population growth. (Though a more effective means to reduce Israeli population growth in the territories would, of course, be to remove some or all of the settlers in the first place–a policy I would also support.)

    I think another important point here is the fact that you assumed I supported Kramer’s proposal simply because I did not condemn it. I think what we should take away from this is that one can disagree with a controversial idea (even passionately) without necessarily viewing it as a moral black and white issue.

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  • Steve Finkelstein

    Jeremy, I think the problem you’re having here is that Kramer is advocating what might be called a “soft” genocide. You claim that “simply advocating a reduction in the rate of population growth is in no ways genocide . . .
    but merely to suggest economic incentives to slow the birth rate of any population.”

    But what does that term “economic incentives” actually mean? It means that Kramer is advocating a cut-off of UNRWA funds, which equals starvation of the oppressed population of Gaza, which means slow death of infants.

    Even in the best case scenario of Kramer’s thesis, it is the product of a Western culture imposing its will on a besieged population — one whose land is illegally occupied and whose livelihoods have been decimated by Operation Cast Lead.

    In your example, China uses economic incentives (or disincentives) to control its OWN population. Agreed, that’s NOT genocide. But you’re missing the key distinction. Kramer is not Palestinian . . . in fact, he’s an avowed Israel-first Zionist with WINEP who is seeking to limit the population growth of another culture — not his own. Only mothers and fathers have the God-given right to decide whether to procreate, and Kramer’s thesis is indeed a form of soft genocide under the Geneva Convention.

  • Jeremy Patashnik

    Steve, I don’t agree with your claim that the reason that the Chinese government is not promoting genocide–but Kramer is–is that the Chinese enact their policy against their own people, whereas Kramer is calling for a policy that pertains to other people.

    First, nowhere in the Genocide Convention does it say an act of genocide can only be perpetrated by one group or person against a different group. Indeed, there are several instances in history when a regime has killed many of its own people (Pol Pot, the Soviet gulags, to name two).

    If you think an action is genocidal, the perpetrator should be irrelevant. Obviously, there are probably more instances of genocide where one group targets a different group, but that still doesn’t mean an action can ONLY be genocidal if it fits that model.

    Second, everyone agrees that there are some scenarios where it’s in people’s best interest to decrease the birth rate. Economists often call for lower birth rates to improve various conditions within a population. Here’s an article from The Economist that argues that developing countries with lower birth rates are experiencing growth, and others should follow suit:

    http://www.informationliberation.com/?id=27966

    There are also countless incidents where representatives from the West have gone to African countries distributing contraceptives with the primary goal of lowering the birth rate.

    Now, I’ve made clear that I don’t agree with what Kramer suggested; I, too, have objections on humanitarian grounds to his proposal. But, I think one has to ask: would it be in everyone’s (including BOTH Israelis AND Palestinians) best interest if Palestinians had a lower birth rate. (It’s also a legitimate question to ask if it’s in everyone’s best interest for Israelis to have a lower birth rate, too!)

    If economists investigate that question and they conclude that the answer is yes, then I think the best plan would be to work with Palestinian leaders to devise a set of economic incentives to lower the birth rate that will actually improve life for Palestinians.

    So, in short, yes, I have problems with much of Kramer’s proposals. No, I still don’t think they’re genocidal, and I think that additional research on population growth can even help contribute to a solution to this conflict.

  • Steve Finkelstein

    Point taken on several levels. But I don’t believe that Israeli think tanks should be making proposals to cut off aid to an indigenous population (that it is responsible for impoverishing through illegal ocupation) in order to control the births of “superfluous young men.” You and I can disagree — as many people do — on the definition of what constitutes genocide, but that’s basically purely academic. Kramer’s comments were — by any reasonable, objective measure — repugnant, and he should apologize.

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