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	<title>The Harvard Political Review &#187; Summer 2009</title>
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	<link>http://hpronline.org</link>
	<description>Harvard Talks Politics</description>
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		<title>Endpaper: A History Lesson for President Obama</title>
		<link>http://hpronline.org/urban-america/endpaper-a-history-lesson-for-president-obama/</link>
		<comments>http://hpronline.org/urban-america/endpaper-a-history-lesson-for-president-obama/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 19 Aug 2009 04:52:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Rebecca Friedman</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Endpapers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Urban America]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Afghanistan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bush Administration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Campaign]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Financial Crisis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Foreign Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[House]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Iran]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Iraq]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Military]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NATO]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Obama]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[SEC]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Summer 2009]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[USA]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[War on Terror]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Washington]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[White House]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[What 44 can learn from 35BY REBECCA R. FRIEDMAN
Pundits are fond of drawing comparisons between John F. Kennedy and Barack H. Obama and, indeed, there are many parallels to be found. Like JFK, Obama captured national attention as a junior senator and ran for president without a great deal of governing experience. Like JFK, Obama[.....]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>What 44 can learn from 35<br />BY REBECCA R. FRIEDMAN</p>
<p>Pundits are fond of drawing comparisons between John F. Kennedy and Barack H. Obama and, indeed, there are many parallels to be found. Like JFK, Obama captured national attention as a junior senator and ran for president without a great deal of governing experience. Like JFK, Obama campaigned as a liberal Democrat committed to bringing change to Washington. Like JFK, Obama possesses a disarming ability to galvanize and inspire Americans with his rhetoric. And, like JFK, Obama is a young president who shares the White House with his children and sartorially idolized wife. But somehow, in focusing on these superficial similarities, commentators have almost entirely neglected to draw meaningful and instructive connections between Presidents Kennedy and Obama&#8217;s transitions to power. More nuanced reflection on the 1960-1961 Eisenhower-Kennedy transition, and especially the Bay of Pigs invasion, reveals lessons that Obama would do well to heed throughout the remainder of his transition.</p>
<p>In the realm of foreign policy, Kennedy&#8217;s first 100 days are remembered as a disaster. JFK&#8217;s first major national security decision, to launch the Bay of Pigs invasion, ended in perfect failure. When Kennedy took office, he inherited a CIA plan to overthrow Fidel Castro, including a few thousand Cuban exiles secretly training in Guatemala. Wary of reneging on his campaign promise to support democratic anti-Castro forces in exile, Kennedy authorized continuation and acceleration of the preparations in late January. JFK was never fully comfortable with the operation, however, and he demanded modifications to make it &#8220;quieter&#8221; and &#8220;less spectacular.&#8221; He wanted to maintain plausible deniability of American involvement. Ultimately, the CIA convinced the president that they had a plan that could work and on April 16, 1961, a Cuban exile brigade landed at the Bay of Pigs. Within four days, 89 of the invaders were killed, and 1,197 were taken prisoner.</p>
<p>After the Bay of Pigs debacle, Kennedy asked his close advisor Theodore Sorensen, &#8220;How could I have been so stupid to let them go ahead?&#8221; The various answers to this question offer valuable lessons for President Obama, as he crafts a foreign policy and reckons with the many covert programs &#8211; only some of which are publicly known &#8211; passed on by the Bush administration. <br />First, beware inherited policies. The new administration should neither a priori accept nor a priori reject programs inherited from the prior administration. Kennedy made the mistake of carrying out the Bay of Pigs invasion partially because Eisenhower told him it was his &#8220;responsibility.&#8221; While it is unlikely Obama will do anything just because Bush told him to, he must be aware of the challenges of continuing inherited policies. All major policy initiatives should be subject to a strategic review in which the Obama administration ensures the policy&#8217;s assumptions align with their envisioned strategy and objectives.</p>
<p>Second, always ask critical questions, especially to military and intelligence experts. As Kennedy reflected after the Bay of Pigs, &#8220;If someone comes in to tell me this or that about the minimum wage bill, I have no hesitation in overruling them. But you always assume that the military and intelligence people have some secret skill not available to ordinary mortals.&#8221; Obama, who assumed the position of commander-in-chief with less military experience than Kennedy, should be wary of deferring to expertise, especially on such complex questions as &#8220;AfPak,&#8221; Iraq, Iran, North Korea, and the War on Terror.</p>
<p>Third, be willing to modify campaign commitments. During his long path to the presidency, Obama made many statements on foreign policy. Though his political capital may suffer, the president must be willing to revise, and even reverse, these statements. Since a president does not have full access to intelligence until January 20, it is critical that his policy positions reflect the best available information, rather than commitments made with incomplete information during the campaign and pre-inaugural transition. Kennedy made a huge mistake in allowing campaign statements to dictate his Cuba policy once in office, and Obama should be careful not to do the same.</p>
<p>President Obama must keep this advice in mind as he re-charts America&#8217;s course in Iraq and Afghanistan, and defines the next stage in the War on Terror. But the lessons of the Bay of Pigs are not limited to foreign policy; in effectively responding to the financial crisis, Obama&#8217;s success will equally depend on avoiding these transition pitfalls.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
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		</item>
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		<title>Summer 2009</title>
		<link>http://hpronline.org/urban-america/summer-2009/</link>
		<comments>http://hpronline.org/urban-america/summer-2009/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 30 Nov -0001 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>hpr</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Urban America]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Campaign]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[congestion pricing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Copenhagen]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Endpaper]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[engagement]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Equality]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Fortune]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[gaza]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Goldman Sachs]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[homelessness]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Innovation]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Iraq]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Israel]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Jim Himes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Max Novendstern]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Missile Defense]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Obama]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Oil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Peyton Miller]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Robert Long]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Russia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sam Barr]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[SEC]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[United Nations]]></category>
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		<description><![CDATA[Urban America
Volume 36, Number 2, Summer 2009.




Letter from the Editor



 The Ten-Year Plan
 IAN MERRIFIELD
Daring to end homelessness
 The Future of Urban Education
 Tiffany wen and jyoti jasrasaria
The impact of new innovation on urban school systems
 Cities Without Limits
 Chris danello and ashley fabrizio
How long-term factors drive municipal economies
 A New Approach to a Chronic[.....]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2 class="componentheading">Urban America<br /></h2>
<h3>Volume 36, Number 2, Summer 2009.</h3>
<div id="jazin-wrap">
<div class="clearfix" id="jazin">
<div style="width: 49.95%;" class="jazin-left-no-line">
<h4 class="jazin-title">
<p><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=618&amp;catid=234&amp;Itemid=538" alt="From the Editor">Letter from the Editor</a></p>
</h4>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=481:from-the-editor&amp;catid=227:other&amp;Itemid=536" alt="From the Editor"><br /></a></h4>
<p><img alt="Urban America" src="modules/mod_janews/tmpl/Urban America.png" /></p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=589&amp;catid=229&amp;Itemid=315" class="contentpagetitle"> The Ten-Year Plan<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">IAN MERRIFIELD</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Daring to end homelessness</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=590&amp;catid=229&amp;Itemid=315" class="contentpagetitle"> The Future of Urban Education<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Tiffany wen and jyoti jasrasaria</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">The impact of new innovation on urban school systems</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=591&amp;catid=229&amp;Itemid=315" class="contentpagetitle"> Cities Without Limits<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Chris danello and ashley fabrizio</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">How long-term factors drive municipal economies</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=592&amp;catid=229&amp;Itemid=315" class="contentpagetitle"> A New Approach to a Chronic Issue<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Lynn Yi</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Affordable housing in uncertain times</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=432:revamping-kyoto-in-copenhagen&amp;catid=222&amp;Itemid=315" class="contentpagetitle">Congestion Pricing<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Peyton Miller</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">The future of urban transportation</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=594&amp;catid=229&amp;Itemid=315" class="contentpagetitle"> Ending the Shootout<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Candice Kountz and Isabel Kaplan</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">The importance of community-basd responses to gang violence</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=434:the-wars-of-today&amp;catid=222&amp;Itemid=315" class="contentpagetitle"></a><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=595&amp;catid=229&amp;Itemid=315"> The Machinations of Urban Politics</a><br /></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">SARAH ESTY</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">What Israel in Gaza tells us about modern warfare</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=435:a-persistent-evil&amp;catid=222&amp;Itemid=315" class="contentpagetitle"> It&#8217;s Not All &#8216;Gentrification&#8217;<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Richard Coffin</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">The connection between economic diversity and urban renewal</p>
<p class="currentissue"> </p>
<p><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=597&amp;catid=230&amp;Itemid=343"><img src="modules/mod_janews/tmpl/United%20States.png" alt="United States" /></a></p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=451:looking-ahead-to-2010&amp;catid=223&amp;Itemid=343" class="contentpagetitle"></a><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=597&amp;catid=230&amp;Itemid=343"> Much Ado About Polling</a><br /></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Jeremy Patashnik</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Concers over the role of the poll are misguided</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=598&amp;catid=230&amp;Itemid=343" class="contentpagetitle"> The Politics of Line Drawing<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Taylor Lane</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">The future of gerrymandering after the 2010 census</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=599&amp;catid=230&amp;Itemid=343" class="contentpagetitle"> Helping the Homeless<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Pooja Venkatraman</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Should housing really come first?</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=454:symbol-or-savior&amp;catid=223&amp;Itemid=343" class="contentpagetitle"></a><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=600&amp;catid=230&amp;Itemid=343"> Should Everyone Go to College?</a><br /></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Chris Lafortune</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Obama&#8217;s education plan</p>
<p class="currentissue"> </p>
</div>
<div style="width: 49.95%;" class="jazin-right"><!--</p>
<p><img alt="HPR Current Issue" src="/images/stories/cover.jpg" style="display: block; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" /></p>
<p> &#8211;></p>
<p><img alt="World" src="modules/mod_janews/tmpl/World.png" /></p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=601&amp;catid=231&amp;Itemid=316"><span class="contentpagetitle">Closer, But No Cigar<br /></span></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">AMY BEESON</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Anticipating a new era of engagement with Cuba</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=457:iraq-at-the-crossroads&amp;catid=224&amp;Itemid=316">More Secretary than General?<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Shreya Maheshwari</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Ban Ki-moon&#8217;s first two years at the United Nations</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=603&amp;catid=231&amp;Itemid=316">The Shia Awakening<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Ashley Robinson</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Sunni-Shia conflict and the logic of containment</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=604&amp;catid=231&amp;Itemid=316"><span class="contentpagetitle">Ping-Pong with Pyongyang<br /></span></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Samir Patel</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Can six-party stakeholders return the next volley?</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=605&amp;catid=231&amp;Itemid=316">Defending the Defense<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Daniel Handlin</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Russia&#8217;s campaign against missile defense in Europe</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=461:the-chavez-decade&amp;catid=224&amp;Itemid=316">Colombia&#8217;s War on Terror<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Jose o&#8217;Brien and Robert Long</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Have the FARC finally met their match?</p>
<p class="currentissue"> </p>
<p><img alt="Books and Arts" src="modules/mod_janews/tmpl/Books%20and%20Arts.png" /></p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=607&amp;catid=232&amp;Itemid=317">Watching &#8216;Watchmen&#8217;<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Jonathan Yip</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">The dangers of translating comics to the big screen</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=608&amp;catid=232&amp;Itemid=317">Things to Come<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Peter Bacon</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">George Friedman&#8217;s geopolitical prophecy</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=609&amp;catid=232&amp;Itemid=317">Big Aspirations, Smaller Results<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Nicholas Tatsis</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">How much have Texan oilmen shaped America?</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=610&amp;catid=232&amp;Itemid=317">Power Play<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Max Novendstern</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">How inequality can spiral out of control</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=611&amp;catid=232&amp;Itemid=317">To Build an Empire<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Elizabeth Bloom</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Tolerance and hyperpowers</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=470:comeback-to-the-future&amp;catid=225&amp;Itemid=317"></a><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=612&amp;catid=232&amp;Itemid=317">Too Soon to Tell</a><br /></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Steven Johnston</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Predicting political realignment</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=613&amp;catid=232&amp;Itemid=317">Hip-Hop President<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Alec Barrett</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">How Obama will influence the genre</p>
<p class="currentissue"> </p>
<p><img alt="Interviews" src="modules/mod_janews/tmpl/Interviews.png" /></p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=614&amp;catid=233&amp;Itemid=318">From Class to Work<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Gabby Bryant</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Former Secretary of Labor on the future of the workforce</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=615&amp;catid=233&amp;Itemid=318">Beyond the Achievement Gap<br /></a></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Alexander Copulsky</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Richard Rothstein on the challenges facing American education</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a class="contentpagetitle" href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=478:the-politics-of-health&amp;catid=226&amp;Itemid=318"></a><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=616&amp;catid=233&amp;Itemid=318">Life on the Hill</a><br /></h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">Sam Barr</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">Jim Himes on his journey from Goldman Sachs to Capitol Hill</p>
<h4 class="jazin-title"></h4>
<h4 class="jazin-title"><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=481:from-the-editor&amp;catid=227:other&amp;Itemid=536" alt="From the Editor"><br /></a></h4>
<p><strong>ENDPAPER</strong></p>
<h4 class="jazin-title">
<p><a href="index.php?option=com_content&amp;view=article&amp;id=617&amp;catid=234&amp;Itemid=537" alt="Endpaper"> A History Lesson for President Obama<br /></a></p>
</h4>
<p><span class="createby"> <span class="small">REBECCA FRIEDMAN</span></span></p>
<p class="currentissue">What 44 can learn from 35</p>
</div>
</div>
</div>
]]></content:encoded>
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		<title>From the Editor</title>
		<link>http://hpronline.org/urban-america/from-the-editor/</link>
		<comments>http://hpronline.org/urban-america/from-the-editor/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 30 Nov -0001 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>William Leiter</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Urban America]]></category>
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		<description><![CDATA[When the HPR selected Urban America as the summer covers topic, I immediately cautioned our Covers Editor that the section could not just be a feature on New York. Given that she is from Boston my worries were probably unfounded, but people do love talking about New York, and I can understand why. The Big[.....]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>When the HPR selected Urban America as the summer covers topic, I immediately cautioned our Covers Editor that the section could not just be a feature on New York. Given that she is from Boston my worries were probably unfounded, but people do love talking about New York, and I can understand why. The Big Apple is home to over eight million people, some of the best museums and cultural centers in the world, and the giants of big business.  Yet my relationship with New York has been a tumultuous one. I first visited on a trip to scout out colleges, but spent only a few hours at Columbia University; the combination of a severe traffic delay, pouring rain, and a West Wing marathon on Bravo prevented me from enjoying more of The City. I was unimpressed, but knew I had not given the place a fair shake. But returning to New York three times has convinced me it is just not for me.</p>
<p>Maybe it is a minor case of claustrophobia, but whatever the reason I find the Empire City quite unpleasant. Hailing from northern California, I am used to things being fairly spread out; even San Francisco, the third most densely populated city in America, is only 60 percent as dense as New York. The most troubling consequence of the extreme density, for me, is the frequent inability to see the horizon. San Francisco, while home to its fair share of skyscrapers, is a hilly city and thus regularly allows one to see far off into the distance. Golden Gate Heights, Telegraph Hill and many other spots afford tremendous views of the City by the Bay. In this regard New York, which is comparatively flat, cannot compete. Sure, you can see all of New York from the top of a skyscraper, but it is just not the same as viewing it from a natural part of the landscape.</p>
<p>Harvard is home to a lot of New Yorkers, so my distaste for the city often produces arguments. I typically contend that New York is crowded, expensive, superficial, and lacking in park space. While the first two are undeniable, advocates respond that the third is true only for the touristy parts, and that the fourth is just plain wrong (which it is, New York is actually almost 20 percent park space, the most of any densely populated American city.) But I maintain that since most of that space is a rectangle circumscribed by tall buildings, it should count for less than the parks in San Francisco, which are not geometrically shaped and run mostly along the Pacific Ocean. I always thought this was an excellent point, but it never seems to persuade New Yorkers.</p>
<p>After about two years of coastal feuding, I came to realize that it is virtually impossible to convince someone your city is superior to his or hers, especially if that city is New York. People love the big cities they consider their own, despite the problems Urban America examines. I still refuse to concede New York’s superiority, but am content with the uneasy truce that permits me to avoid disagreements and instead focus on what I love. I am thrilled to be living in San Francisco this summer, and while I will return to Harvard in September to write my thesis and help produce two more issues of this magazine, my efforts will almost surely be lacking in heart.</p>
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		<title>A History Lesson for President Obama</title>
		<link>http://hpronline.org/urban-america/a-history-lesson-for-president-obama/</link>
		<comments>http://hpronline.org/urban-america/a-history-lesson-for-president-obama/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 24 May 2009 11:18:32 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Rebecca Friedman</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Urban America]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Afghanistan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bush Administration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Campaign]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Financial Crisis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Foreign Policy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[House]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[NATO]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Obama]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[SEC]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Summer 2009]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[USA]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[War on Terror]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Washington]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[White House]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[What 44 can learn from 35
Pundits are fond of drawing comparisons between John F. Kennedy and Barack H. Obama and, indeed, there are many parallels to be found. Like JFK, Obama captured national attention as a junior senator and ran for president without a great deal of governing experience. Like JFK, Obama campaigned as a[.....]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em>What 44 can learn from 35</em></p>
<p>Pundits are fond of drawing comparisons between John F. Kennedy and Barack H. Obama and, indeed, there are many parallels to be found. Like JFK, Obama captured national attention as a junior senator and ran for president without a great deal of governing experience. Like JFK, Obama campaigned as a liberal Democrat committed to bringing change to Washington. Like JFK, Obama possesses a disarming ability to galvanize and inspire Americans with his rhetoric. And, like JFK, Obama is a young president who shares the White House with his children and sartorially idolized wife.</p>
<p>But somehow, in focusing on these superficial similarities, commentators have almost entirely neglected to draw meaningful and instructive connections between Presidents Kennedy and Obama’s transitions to power. More nuanced reflection on the 1960-1961 Eisenhower-Kennedy transition, and especially the Bay of Pigs invasion, reveals lessons that Obama would do well to heed throughout the remainder of his transition.</p>
<p>In the realm of foreign policy, Kennedy’s first 100 days are remembered as a disaster. JFK’s first major national security decision, to launch the Bay of Pigs invasion, ended in perfect failure. When Kennedy took office, he inherited a CIA plan to overthrow Fidel Castro, including a few thousand Cuban exiles secretly training in Guatemala. Wary of reneging on his campaign promise to support democratic anti-Castro forces in exile, Kennedy authorized continuation and acceleration of the preparations in late January. JFK was never fully comfortable with the operation, however, and he demanded modifications to make it “quieter” and “less spectacular.” He wanted to maintain plausible deniability of American involvement. Ultimately, the CIA convinced the president that they had a plan that could work and on April 16, 1961, a Cuban exile brigade landed at the Bay of Pigs.  Within four days, 89 of the invaders were killed, and 1,197 were taken prisoner.</p>
<p>After the Bay of Pigs debacle, Kennedy asked his close advisor Theodore Sorensen, “How could I have been so stupid to let them go ahead?” The various answers to this question offer valuable lessons for President Obama, as he crafts a foreign policy and reckons with the many covert programs — only some of which are publicly known — passed on by the Bush administration.</p>
<p>First, beware inherited policies. The new administration should neither a priori accept nor a priori reject programs inherited from the prior administration. Kennedy made the mistake of carrying out the Bay of Pigs invasion partially because Eisenhower told him it was his “responsibility.” While it is unlikely Obama will do anything just because Bush told him to, he must be aware of the challenges of continuing inherited policies. All major policy initiatives should be subject to a strategic review in which the Obama administration ensures the policy’s assumptions align with their envisioned strategy and objectives.</p>
<p>Second, always ask critical questions, especially to military and intelligence experts. As Kennedy reflected after the Bay of Pigs, “If someone comes in to tell me this or that about the minimum wage bill, I have no hesitation in overruling them. But you always assume that the military and intelligence people have some secret skill not available to ordinary mortals.” Obama, who assumed the position of commander-in-chief with less military experience than Kennedy, should be wary of deferring to expertise, especially on such complex questions as “AfPak,” Iraq, Iran, North Korea, and the War on Terror.</p>
<p>Third, be willing to modify campaign commitments. During his long path to the presidency, Obama made many statements on foreign policy. Though his political capital may suffer, the president must be willing to revise, and even reverse, these statements. Since a president does not have full access to intelligence until January 20, it is critical that his policy positions reflect the best available information, rather than commitments made with incomplete information during the campaign and pre-inaugural transition. Kennedy made a serious mistake in allowing campaign statements to dictate his Cuba policy once in office, and Obama should be careful not to do the same.</p>
<p>President Obama must keep this advice in mind as he re-charts America’s course in Iraq and Afghanistan, and defines the next stage in the War on Terror. But the lessons of the Bay of Pigs are not limited to foreign policy; in effectively responding to the financial crisis, Obama’s success will equally depend on avoiding these transition pitfalls.</p>
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		<title>Life on the Hill</title>
		<link>http://hpronline.org/interviews/life-on-the-hill/</link>
		<comments>http://hpronline.org/interviews/life-on-the-hill/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 30 Nov -0001 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Sam Barr</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Interviews]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bush Administration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Business]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Jim Himes]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Latin America]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Obama]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[population]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[The Economist]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Tradition]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Washington]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[Jim Himes on his journey from Goldman Sachs to Capitol Hill 
Rep. Jim Himes (D-Conn.) was born and lived for 10 years in Lima, Peru. He has worked at Goldman Sachs and at the New York non-profit Enterprise Community Partners. In Congress, he has worked to improve veteran benefits and increase middle-class tax cuts.
Harvard Political[.....]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em>Jim Himes on his journey from Goldman Sachs to Capitol Hill </em></p>
<p>Rep. Jim Himes (D-Conn.) was born and lived for 10 years in Lima, Peru. He has worked at Goldman Sachs and at the New York non-profit Enterprise Community Partners. In Congress, he has worked to improve veteran benefits and increase middle-class tax cuts.<strong></strong></p>
<p><strong>Harvard Political Review: </strong>From your experience working at Goldman Sachs, do you think that a culture developed in the financial services industry that was perhaps not exactly corrupt but reckless?</p>
<p><strong>Jim Himes:</strong> I do think that structurally the financial services industry was set up to go adrift, and that was reflected in compensation structures, where it was really, really low if you took the risks that they wanted, and you did only well — really well — if you lost. Here’s what happened: a relatively well-run industry, over a period of 15 years, grew and morphed into something that made 1930s regulatory structures irrelevant. … The regulatory structure did not in any way keep up with the road that was the financial services industry. And then you have the element of effectively free money. This is when you cause an industry, which is in charge of somewhere between five and 15 percent of U.S. corporate profits, to become [in charge of] 40 percent of corporate profits. So you have a very aberrant time.</p>
<p><strong>HPR:</strong> So, are you concerned about the Geithner public-private partnership plan? Do you agree with Joseph Stiglitz that the Geithner plan only works if and when the taxpayer loses big time?</p>
<p><strong>JH: </strong>I think that the Public-Private Investment Plan is going to work for a number of institutions, in particular those which turn out to be solvent or close to solvent. I’m not sure it works for the clearly insolvent or the ones that turn out to be clearly insolvent. Some of these banks simply need to be unwound or handled the way the FDIC handles much smaller insolvent things. You need to think of it as this: you’ve got financial institutions that are healthy, you’ve got some that are probably badly insolvent, and you&#8217;ve got some that are sort of marginal. I think the PPIP works pretty well for those that are not fundamentally and clearly insolvent. … That poses a certain political risk. The PPIP suggests that it could end up being very profitable for the private entities. And it’s okay for it to be profitable for the private entities, but you surpass some unknown mind and it becomes a sort of political rage.</p>
<p><strong>HPR: </strong>So, shifting gears a little bit, you’re something of an expert on Latin America, having actually been born there. What are some of the problems facing that part of the world? And how do you foresee America’s relationship with Latin America changing during the Obama administration?</p>
<p><strong>JH: </strong>Now, I think it’s bound to improve. The Bush Administration showed very little interest in Latin America generally, and they showed a sort of contempt toward multilateralism around the world. … I think generally the Bush Administration largely ignored Latin America, and was unilateralist. … Latin America is always subject to a push-pull between the rejection of democratic capitalism and embrace, and obviously the rejection is personified by people like Hugo Chávez. I think as our economy struggles, there’s work to be done to reestablish the legitimacy of that model.</p>
<p><strong>HPR: </strong>You just got to Washington a few months ago, what do you make so far of the culture of the town? Do you think there’s any hope for bipartisan cooperation or do you think the parties are too polarized in talking past each other?</p>
<p><strong>JH:</strong> I think it’s a complicated topic. On the one hand, we want opposition. The Democrats will govern better if they are criticized constructively, in a classic loyal-opposition model. So I actually think partisanship in that standpoint is important. It keeps us sharp. On the other hand, I often see point-scoring getting in the way of the national interests, such as Republicans who would be unanimously against the Recovery Act not because every single Republican thinks the recovery is a bad idea, but because of political strategy. If the economy is in rough shape years from now, they can say, look how smart each and every one of us was and look how dumb the Democrats were. And that’s unfortunate because the reality is that the stimulus plan and Recovery Act was not a perfect bill but it was one pretty much universally called for by the economists.</p>
<p><strong>HPR: </strong>Have you made any friends in the Republican Caucus? Have you made any friends with whom you have or envisage having a productive working relationship?</p>
<p><strong>JH: </strong>Washington doesn’t make cross-party friendships easy. I understand generations ago this wasn’t the case. But now, most of the Republicans I know, I know because they were new members with me, and we all went through the new-member orientation together.</p>
<p><strong>HPR: </strong>The HPR’s readership has a large population of people who think that they, too, will be running for Congress barely 20 years after graduating from college. Do you have any advice for them?</p>
<p><strong>JH: </strong>Politics is a tough profession to plan for because almost every instance involves all of the things that traditionally bred success, like hard work and intelligence, but it also involves some luck, some being in the right place at the right time. And [luck] certainly had an influence — a substantial influence — on my election. It’s a tough game to plan, but I guess the best advice I can give somebody that is thinking about going into politics is to go out there and do something else first. Go work in business and get a feel for what the private sector feels like, or go work for a nonprofit and understand the pressures that exist on a nonprofit. I think those who seek to govern should get themselves a pretty good understanding of the conditions under which people are governed or under which people in institutions live.</p>
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		<title>Beyond the Achievement Gap</title>
		<link>http://hpronline.org/interviews/beyond-the-achievement-gap/</link>
		<comments>http://hpronline.org/interviews/beyond-the-achievement-gap/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 30 Nov -0001 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Alex Copulsky</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Interviews]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Due Process]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Education]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Summer 2009]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[tax]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[The Fed]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Unions]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[Richard Rothstein on the challenges facing American education
Richard Rothstein is a research associate of the Economic Policy Institute and a former national education columnist of The New York Times. Harvard Political Review: What is right with American education today?
Richard Rothstein: Well, that’s a very difficult question to answer. There are an untold number of things[.....]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em>Richard Rothstein on the challenges facing American education</em></p>
<p>Richard Rothstein is a research associate of the Economic Policy Institute and a former national education columnist of The New York Times. <br /><strong><br />Harvard Political Review: </strong>What is right with American education today?<strong></strong></p>
<p><strong>Richard Rothstein: </strong>Well, that’s a very difficult question to answer. There are an untold number of things it does well to varying degrees; many things it does well and many things it does somewhat poorly. But, I’ll give you one stunning statistic that you would never know from reading the media about American education. The national assessment of education progress is a sample national test administered by the Department of Education in reading and math, primarily. It’s given to fourth, eighth, and 12th graders, and there is some aggregated data by race. The mathematics test scores of African-American fourth graders are today higher nationwide than the mathematics test scores of white fourth graders two decades ago. So if mathematics education had not improved for white fourth graders, the black-white achievement gap in math would have been fully eliminated. In eighth grade it’s almost as good. The scores for black eighth graders are not higher than white eighth graders but they are almost as high as they were two decades ago. So that’s an illustration you would never know from reading the press. … And, of course, the data I gave you is completely consistent with the claim that the achievement gap hasn’t narrowed at all.</p>
<p><strong>HPR: </strong>Can you explain to readers the details of the Economic Policy Institute’s Broader, Bolder Approach to Education?<strong><br /></strong></p>
<p><strong>RR: </strong>The broader-bolder statement arose because decades and decades of experience with education and improvement have shown that school reform alone cannot raise the achievement of disadvantaged children to the level of middle-class children. The reason for that is not surprising; most of the influences on children’s learning occur outside of the school and not inside the school.</p>
<p>Children from different social classes come to school with very different capacities to learn, to take advantage of what school offers. And so if we want to make serious inroads on narrowing the black-white achievement gap, which is a major policy concern these days, we need to attend to the conditions outside school and outside the classroom that bring children to school ready to learn. The primary areas we focus on are: high-quality early childhood care, healthcare, and high quality afterschool and summertime. And what our statement argues is that unless we coordinate improvement in all those areas we’re not going to narrow the achievement gap. Improvement of the schools alone will not do it. The statistic I gave you before is interesting because it’s about math. Schools have a lot more influence over math than reading. Reading is much more a function of the literacy of the home. … So most of the data that you see about interventions in schools only choose math scores, because that’s where schools have influence.</p>
<p><strong>HPR:</strong> How do you think the school system should be funded? Do you think the current system of local property taxes supplemented by a bid of state and federal agents is the best option?</p>
<p><strong>RR: </strong>It varies enormously from state to state. Overall, nationally, schools get more funding from state governments than they do from property taxes.  There some states where property taxes are important and some states where state funding is important. On an average state funding is more important. Property taxes are a very good source of revenue, or at least they were until the housing collapse. So I don’t think we ought to be giving up the property taxes as a source of revenue.</p>
<p>The question is, how should they be distributed? Those are two different questions. There are some states which collectivize the collection of property taxes and distribute them more equitably to schools rather than having schools’ funding depend simply on the property values and the district in which the school is located. So that’s somewhat of a problem. …  If you look nationally at the inequities in school financing and school funding, only one-third of the inequity is intrastate. Two-thirds is interstate. So for all the problems property tax influences have on funding some schools better than others within a state, the poor schools in New Jersey get more money per pupil than the richest schools in Mississippi.</p>
<p>So if we’re really concerned about the equity of financing in this country the place to start is not the one-third that is attributable to property tax inequities. The place to start is the two-thirds that are attributable to interstate inequities. And that’s something only the federal government can address.</p>
<p><strong>HPR:</strong> What do you think is the structural role of teachers’ unions in education reform?</p>
<p><strong>RR:</strong> Well, blaming teacher unions for the failures of American education is the latest “fad du jour” — we go through fads. For example, a few years ago it was class size reduction, and a few years before that it was equal financing. Now it’s teachers and breaking teachers unions or weakening teacher union contracts. If teacher unions were a serious cause of the problems in American education then the best education would be found in places like Texas, Oklahoma, and Utah where teachers are not permitted to engage in collective bargaining. Yet we find the same problems that people complain about existing in those states. … That’s not to say that there are not changes in teacher union contracts that would be beneficial. It’s a very minor part of the problem; for example, even if you abolished teaching union contract protection for tenured of teachers, due process requirements for public employees in this country would still prevent principals from firing teachers without just cause. Establishing just cause is no less difficult under public employee laws than it is on teacher union contracts. So the real problem is that, and there are some bad teachers in any district, the American school administration does a very poor job of weeding those out.</p>
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		<title>From Class to Work</title>
		<link>http://hpronline.org/interviews/from-class-to-work/</link>
		<comments>http://hpronline.org/interviews/from-class-to-work/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 30 Nov -0001 00:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Gabby Bryant</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Interviews]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Education]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Elaine Chao]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[George W. Bush]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Harvard]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Harvard Political Review]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Health Care]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[IRS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Labor Department]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[SEC]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Summer 2009]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[youth]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[Former Secretary of Labor on the future of the work force
Elaine Chao is the former United States Secretary of Labor. She served in President George W. Bush’s cabinet for both of his terms in office. The first Chinese-American person appointed to a president’s cabinet, Chao worked to improve worker protection and training during her tenure.
Harvard[.....]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em>Former Secretary of Labor on the future of the work force</em></p>
<p>Elaine Chao is the former United States Secretary of Labor. She served in President George W. Bush’s cabinet for both of his terms in office. The first Chinese-American person appointed to a president’s cabinet, Chao worked to improve worker protection and training during her tenure.<strong></strong></p>
<p><strong>Harvard Political Review: </strong>Throughout much of your term you talked about preparing America’s youth and investing in the human capital. What is the best way for the government to pursue this goal?</p>
<p><strong>Elaine Chao:</strong> Workforce training is very important to ensure that workers are prepared. The average 40 year-old worker has had 10 jobs because there is so much opportunity in America. … The country is creating jobs but not as many as we would like to see right now. We have a shortage of skilled workers in sectors such as health care and nanotechnology. We are at the forefront of developing these new industries. However, there is a disconnect between the skills of workers and what employers want. This is why the training is so relevant. We do a double injury to the worker if we don’t train them for relevant jobs. New initiatives, such as the High Growth Training Initiative, are helping to provide the training necessary.</p>
<p><strong>HPR:</strong> Truancy is a large problem for America. Do you feel that there should be more focus on ensuring that more children go to school every day?</p>
<p><strong>EC: </strong>We are now in a globalized economy. American students are now competing with people throughout the world. The investment of education is only at its full potential when students are willing to learn and gain knowledge.  The youth are now the strength of American ingenuity and creativity. There is a direct relationship between educational attainment and wage earnings. … For some students who are unable to finish their education through the conventional course the Labor Department offers Job Corps, which connects students to a learning community. They enroll in Job Corps programs and they receive an experience that resembles a college campus with teachers and counselors.</p>
<p><strong>HPR: </strong>Some critics of government job searches and training feel that the private market is better equipped to manage the job search. What can you say in defense of government training?</p>
<p><strong>EC: </strong>Government training is not the only training that is available and it does not include incumbent training. The private sector spends more money on training then the government does. I believe that all sectors should be involved in preparing American workers. Some of the critics are correct in saying that government cannot predict the skills that will be valuable in the future. The government has to talk to the employer community. The government needs employers’ input.</p>
<p><strong>HPR: </strong>What is incumbent training?</p>
<p><strong>EC:</strong> The Department of Labor has $10 billion in funds for training. However, it cannot use these funds for workers who have a job. They can only be used for the unemployed. So the workers who know that they will be laid off in a couple of years are unable to receive funding for new training that will help them find a job, once they have lost their current one.</p>
<p><strong>HPR:</strong> As the first Asian-American woman to hold this position, do you think that the diversity within the government is representative of the country’s diverse make-up and therefore conscious of the needs of minority groups when making national decisions?</p>
<p><strong>EC: </strong>The country has come a long way in the last 40 years. When I came as an immigrant, the country that greeted me was very white. Diversity has come to be a core value in America. We need to find the best people for the job and diversity helps to reach out to more people. I’m an immigrant. My parents are from China. … My father was sponsored to study in America. … It took three years to bring the rest of the family. We came aboard on a cargo ship because it was all he could afford. We sailed for 37 days. I grew up in Queens, N.Y. with furniture from the Salvation Army. America has so much opportunity and intellect. American youths need to take advantage of these opportunities so they can be well rounded and have the courage to lead.</p>
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		<title>Hip-Hop President</title>
		<link>http://hpronline.org/books-arts/hip-hop-president/</link>
		<comments>http://hpronline.org/books-arts/hip-hop-president/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 24 May 2009 10:57:45 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Alec Barrett</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Books & Arts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Barack Obama]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Summer 2009]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[How Obama will influence the genre
On his posthumously released hit Changes, 2Pac rapped, “Although it seems heaven sent, we ain’t ready to see a black president.” The song addresses problems like police violence, drug use, poverty, and the epidemic of incarceration in the black community.  Blasting what he sees as the offenses of a racist[.....]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em><a href="http://hpronline.org/blog/wp-content/uploads/2009/05/2964413813_80731c7a70_o.jpg"><img class="alignright size-medium wp-image-2584" title="2964413813_80731c7a70_o" src="http://hpronline.org/blog/wp-content/uploads/2009/05/2964413813_80731c7a70_o-300x300.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="300" /></a>How Obama will influence the genre</em></p>
<p>On his posthumously released hit Changes, 2Pac rapped, “Although it seems heaven sent, we ain’t ready to see a black president.” The song addresses problems like police violence, drug use, poverty, and the epidemic of incarceration in the black community.  Blasting what he sees as the offenses of a racist government, he called on listeners to “make some changes” to these problems. Over ten years later, at least one big ‘change’ has been made. But it is only one of many, and rap in the age of Obama reminds us that hip hop’s score is far from settled.</p>
<p><strong>Mutual Respect</strong></p>
<p>President Barack Obama campaigned, after all, on a different kind of change, but his campaign — and election — appeared to be a rapper’s dream. The hip-hop community was one of the first to embrace his candidacy, and in March 2008, Russell Simmons admired Obama’s  “unprecedented, national movement comprised of people from all ethnic, racial, political, social and economic backgrounds.” That summer, Ludacris sang, “The world is ready for change because Obama is here,” followed by considerably crueler assessments of candidates Hillary Clinton and John McCain.</p>
<p>Obama has reciprocated the affection. Tutored by his 27-year-old body man, Reggie Love, supposedly responsible for broadening Obama’s hip-hop horizons, Obama named Jay-Z as one of his favorite artists; and it was Jay-Z who quipped at concerts during election season, “Rosa sat so Martin could walk; Martin walked so Obama could run … .”  Jay-Z was not alone: the prospect of a black president was the subject of many songs released even before the election.<br />
<strong><br />
Summer of Shout Outs</strong></p>
<p>Young Jeezy, in collaboration with Nas, released one of the most popular Obama-themed songs, simply entitled My President. The refrain begins, “my president is black,” even though it was produced in the summer of 2008. Young Jeezy dabbles in political commentary with lines like “Bush robbed all of us, would that make him a criminal?” and “We ready for damn change, so y’all let [Obama] shine.”  Political remarks and boasts about the good life are interspersed with humbler remarks about absent parents, voter discrimination, and paying the bills.  The Obama theme is significant, but still plays second fiddle to Jeezy’s humbler concerns.</p>
<p>Nas also released his own tribute to Obama. Black President, which features an excerpt from 2Pac’s Changes, reflects in more detail on pervasive social problems. Many are similar to those discussed in Changes: police brutality, racist institutions, and high incarceration rates. However, Nas challenges 2Pac’s pessimism: “America, surprise us, and let a black man guide us.” The song ends with an excerpt from an Obama rally, in which he is introduced as the next President of the United States.</p>
<p>New rapper B.o.B. released a collaborative single, Change Gonna Come, late last year. The song more earnestly asks questions such as “How did all the honest people vanish from the planet?” B.o.B. takes a positive tone, rapping, “I feel honored to be a part of this change that is taking over these great states.” He and the other young contributors on his track do not convey the sense of personal hardship and gritty struggles that other rappers do, but are more eager than any to announce that change has “been a long time coming.”</p>
<p><strong>The end or the means?</strong></p>
<p>It is impossible to overlook the similarities between the problems raised in 2Pac’s Changes and its recent counterparts. For hip-hop, Obama is not just an aesthetic change, but a black President is significant for the genre because of what he is expected to do for the demands of the community these artists address.</p>
<p>The initial energy that the Obama candidacy and election gave to hip-hop — as with many of his supporters — has waned. However, the true measure of Obama’s hip-hop legacy will not be measured in the number of mentions he receives in hip hop songs, but rather the social and political problems they discuss, and the tone that they take. The Obama presidency has the potential to influence hip hop music insofar as he can bring about solutions — both through policy and a longer-term cultural shift — to the problems 2Pac felt over a decade ago, and which aggrieve hip hop to this day.</p>
<p><em>Image Credit: Pete Welsch (Flickr)</em></p>
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		<title>Too Soon to Tell</title>
		<link>http://hpronline.org/books-arts/too-soon-to-tell/</link>
		<comments>http://hpronline.org/books-arts/too-soon-to-tell/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 24 May 2009 10:55:19 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Steven Johnston</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Books & Arts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Campaign]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Democrats]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Summer 2009]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[youth]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[Predicting political realignment 
Most discussions of youth politics tout blog posts and text messages rather than grand realignments. Millennial Makeover: MySpace, YouTube &#38; the Future of American Politics goes for the latter, and makes the case that America is at the crossroads of a political realignment driven by the distinct character of Millennials.
Though the book’s[.....]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em><a href="http://hpronline.org/blog/wp-content/uploads/2009/05/MillennialMakeover.jpg"><img class="alignright size-medium wp-image-2586" title="MillennialMakeover" src="http://hpronline.org/blog/wp-content/uploads/2009/05/MillennialMakeover-204x300.jpg" alt="" width="204" height="300" /></a>Predicting political realignment </em></p>
<p>Most discussions of youth politics tout blog posts and text messages rather than grand realignments. Millennial Makeover: MySpace, YouTube &amp; the Future of American Politics goes for the latter, and makes the case that America is at the crossroads of a political realignment driven by the distinct character of Millennials.</p>
<p>Though the book’s title references new media, those looking for a book focused on technology may be a bit surprised to find an account of the internal logic of past realignments followed by a prediction of the coming realignment.  Millennial Makeover, based mostly on past research, constitutes an important effort by Baby Boomers to understand a new generation of Americans and slot them into the story of a shifting electorate. More modesty, however, might have done Millennial Makeover some good.</p>
<p><strong>An Unwritten Future</strong></p>
<p>Winograd and Hais see in the Millennial generation the ingredients of political realignments in America. These shifts are explained through a simple and perhaps simplistic formula: generational change plus technological change equals realignment. Looking back, the authors describe the cause and effect of these monumental shifts and come to a dichotomy between two types of realignments: idealist and civic. In the case of Millennials, the authors make the point that this generation is showing signs of the latter type based on its high political involvement, harmony among its various social subgroups, and a positive view toward government’s ability to solve the problems confronting America.</p>
<p>These Millennials, to be precise, are Americans born between the years 1982 and 2003. This generation spans 22 years and covers all people between the age of 5 and 27. To claim that this group, whose members range from those who may not yet be politically conscious to the highly politically socialized, shares a common political perspective is bold, to say the least. While the authors’ analysis of past realignment patterns, as well as certain character studies of the Millennials, are very convincing, Winograd and Hais are quick to generalize about young adults and toddlers alike. Their reliance on the 2006 election results, in particular, is quite reminiscent of the books following George W. Bush’s 2004 re-election that predicted a national shift to the right.<br />
<strong><br />
New Ways are Best </strong></p>
<p>Looking to technology, Winograd and Hais cite new media tools like MySpace and YouTube as the technology utilized by Millennials to engage in politics and to re-shape the political process, pointing out that Democrats currently have the upper hand when it comes to dominating and actually utilizing new media. At the same time, they qualify their argument by pointing out that Republicans may not be doomed to extinction, despite their current disadvantage, acknowledging but minimizing the fact that both parties have had an ‘edge’ when it comes to campaign technology at one time or another. The Republicans, for example, were the technological adepts in 2004 due to their their tightly coordinated, nationwide voter lists, calling operations, and mobilization plans. These advantages have usually proven to be temporary and to level out over time.</p>
<p>Since the time the authors published Millennial Makeover, Facebook has already overtaken MySpace as the dominant social networking site and Twittter, a brand new social media site, has become all the rage. The technology that may be central to campaigns during the next 40 years when Millennials will be dominant may not even exist yet, so neither party will be able to claim an online edge for long. Minority status can often provoke innovation, indicating Republicans who will have a chance to update their campaigning techniques.</p>
<p><strong>Continuing the conversation </strong></p>
<p>The predictions that Winograd and Hais make in Millennial Makeover may very well come to fruition in the decades ahead, but for now it is too early to tell. The authors’ bold predictive attempt does reveal certain truths about the Millennials, but attempts to straddle too wide a  group with too much confidence, and implicitly relies on the conceit that technology, the fastest-changing feature of modern life, will remain statically in favor of one party. Their book illustrates the need for further analysis of the electoral landscape in the years ahead and a broader conversation that gives voice to the views of the Millennials themselves. One thing is for sure: the Millennials still have growing up to do.</p>
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		<title>To Build an Empire</title>
		<link>http://hpronline.org/books-arts/to-build-an-empire/</link>
		<comments>http://hpronline.org/books-arts/to-build-an-empire/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 24 May 2009 10:52:39 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Elizabeth Bloom</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Books & Arts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
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		<description><![CDATA[Tolerance and hyperpowers 
History often remembers empires as power-hungry, violent aggressors that conquer at the expense of victim nations. In Day of Empire, Amy Chua uses case studies of empires of the past, present, and future (such as Rome, America, and potentially, countries like India) as well as failed “hyperpowers” (such as Nazi Germany) to[.....]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em><a href="http://hpronline.org/blog/wp-content/uploads/2009/05/1235249405-51mlndquk0l.jpg"><img class="alignright size-medium wp-image-2589" title="1235249405-51mlndquk0l" src="http://hpronline.org/blog/wp-content/uploads/2009/05/1235249405-51mlndquk0l-194x300.jpg" alt="Day of Empire by Amy Chua" width="194" height="300" /></a>Tolerance and hyperpowers </em></p>
<p>History often remembers empires as power-hungry, violent aggressors that conquer at the expense of victim nations. In Day of Empire, Amy Chua uses case studies of empires of the past, present, and future (such as Rome, America, and potentially, countries like India) as well as failed “hyperpowers” (such as Nazi Germany) to challenge this understanding of empires as hostile and malign beasts.</p>
<p>Instead, Chua claims it is tolerance that enabled the growth of every single hyperpower in world history. Ironically, this very same tolerance sows the seeds of intolerance, and thus imperial decline. Intolerance went hand in hand with dwindling imperial power. Relative  tolerance was a crucial building block of empire, by attracting the loyalty of subjects. And while standards and circumstances might change, the relentless logic of empires persists. Chua uses the lessons of history as relevant warnings to American readers that the creation of an American empire would eventually undermine America’s principles of tolerance.</p>
<p><strong>Bygone empires </strong></p>
<p>In the quintessential example of Rome, tolerance took the form of making Roman citizenship as desirable as possible, offering perks like social mobility. By making Roman identity a desirable yet attainable commodity, Rome was able to incorporate various peoples into its empire. However, as Rome became a continuously larger empire, Roman culture became unable to accommodate vastly different cultures. Tolerance clashed with intolerance when, for instance, Rome’s coercive adoption of Christianity sparked backlash among conquerable peoples. While tolerance made Roman citizenship desirable to conquered peoples, it became a strategic burden in Rome’s expansion; finally, intolerance alienated Rome’s own subjects.</p>
<p>Tolerance manifested itself differently in other empires. The Tang dynasty in China used strategic tolerance in that it did not force a Han Chinese identity upon non-Chinese subjects. This strategy enabled expansion northwards, beyond the Chinese core. However, this tolerance also prevented a patriotic “glue” from forming that could hold the disparate groups together. The same tolerance that enabled the growth of an empire was also responsible for that same empire’s brittleness and demise.</p>
<p><strong>Lessons for the future </strong></p>
<p>In an age of globalization, America is at a tenuous point of self-evaluation. The debate whether the American “hyperpower” is or should become an “empire” is fierce. Chua defines hyperpower as a nation or empire whose power in all respects (such as economic and military strength) enables it to effectively dominate the world, while an empire exerts more control (rather than simply power) over the world. Proponents of an empire, though hardly any would define themselves as such, argue for America’s free reign to realize democratic principles throughout the world.</p>
<p>For Chua, this is a dangerous path. The United States lacks the “glue” to create a feasible empire; American democracy and culture are rarely clamored for, and few nations are keen to give up their sovereignty, however gently. The flare-ups of anti-American sentiment in places like the Middle East reflect the infeasibility of an American empire. As well, America’s exclusive citizenship means it is denied the Roman path of strategic citizenship. However, America can give outside nations a stake in America’s success.</p>
<p>By proposing multilateralism in issues like environmental degradation, Chua suggests America would not be surrendering its global status, could build common purpose among nations, and overcome collective action problems beneath Washington’s aegis. This situation, rather than an empire, would be best for America’s long-term status in the world.</p>
<p>When a country’s hyperpower status is attacked, as America’s was on September 11, 2001, or when an economic crisis threatens a country’s strength, as is the case today, fear of a degrading global status can challenge a country’s principles. To protect itself in a time of crisis, America has undermined its principles of tolerance. In Chua’s view, xenophobia is winning as shown by tempering American attitudes towards immigration, and anti-Americanism is a reaction to this closing.  Rather than moving away from the ideas of tolerance upon which America was founded, Chua urges further work with other countries to create global goals. Only then can America get the world back on its side and stay true to itself; a hyperpower, if it can maintain it.</p>
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